Femininities on the Cape Flats: Respectability or Fear?

24 Apr 2020
24 Apr 2020

Catherine Chantre

Editorial note: Catherine Chantre is an MSc (Infectious Diseases) student at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine (LSHTM). In this piece, Chantre reflects on a series of fieldwork experiences which add a layered perspective to femininities and risk on the Cape Flats (an area in greater Cape Town). She interrogates the concept of “respectability” by interrogating ideas of risk primarily around sexuality for women in the area.

 

Introduction

Among many Capetonians, the Cape Flats hold a negative reputation. Telling someone that you live in or are from a place like Hanover Park usually results in a widening of eyes or a small gasp. Reports of murders, gangsters, and shootouts in the Cape Flats ring through many an ear in the Cape Town area. However, Hanover Park is a community. 

Composed mainly of families in “courts” (apartment blocks) or adjacent houses, everyone knows everyone. Greeting a friend in the street is part of the daily routine and giving “a two rand” to a fellow resident is seen as a normal way to lend a helping hand. Another aspect of the Hanover Park experience is the extremely high rates of gang violence. Shootings in the area are all too common; an occurrence that seems to have worsened in the last few years. Gun violence controls people’s movements and their ability to be active, and it instills a sense of fear in every member of the community. While this fear is often normalised, it has lasting and tangible effects throughout the community.  In this piece, I choose to explore the influence of fear on women in Hanover Park, and how it shapes the femininity they perform and practice. 

I have conducted research in Hanover Park, a suburb on the Cape Flats, periodically for the last three years. I was first in Hanover Park from 2016-2017. This was my first immersion into the area; an area that is infamous throughout Cape Town for its high rate of gang violence and stark poverty. My second period in Hanover Park was for six weeks in the winter of 2019. During this period, I lived in the area, a total immersion that enabled me to have a much deeper understanding of how we understand the Cape Flats and the people who live in the area. 

I first arrived in Hanover Park to study HIV risk among young people. I was interested in the experience of risk and the reality of the disease in the Cape Coloured context, a perspective not usually addressed in HIV studies in South Africa. While Coloured populations do not have as high of a rate of HIV when compared to Black African populations, the rate of HIV infection is significant, and can be compared to that of countries elsewhere on the continent. Looking at the social perspective of HIV in a Coloured area was important to me, mainly in order to interrogate how exactly we as public health professionals can respond to HIV among this population in a context-sensitive manner.  

Girl's Town

Often when in Hanover Park, I would spend time with women. This was mainly because of feasibility and comfort. During the research period, when I had to conduct interviews with men, I was told I could never be alone in the same room as them, and usually always had a female friend escort me to participants’ homes. In my downtime, I met up with girlfriends in the area. Together we hung out in their homes and occasionally went to parties. Together we would speak about life, relationships, and the realities of the neighborhood. What was said in those conversations, and the experiences we shared together during this time have given me a strong understanding of the complexities that arise when navigating life in Hanover Park as a woman. Ultimately what I found is that despite the challenges and real perils that are presented to women on a daily basis, women in Hanover Park devise their own ways to strike back against fear and lead normal lives.  

Respectability with a Twist 

In their article describing adolescent femininity in Cape Town, Lindegaard and Henriksen (1) posit that for Coloured women living in suburbs on the Cape Flats, the neighborhoods of the outlying Cape Town area, respectability undergirds a young girl’s sense of womanhood. They argue that because Coloured women on the Cape Flats have limited access to power, due to racial and economic histories and realities, expressing femininity on the Cape Flats is constricted. 

The reality mentioned is most explicit in terms of social reputation. The authors argue that by preserving their social reputation and virginity, young Coloured women are able to protect their social stance in the community. They continue by saying that in order to protect themselves, Coloured girls must demonstrate sexual restraint and perform an “asexual femininity”. Here, the idea of safety is attributed mostly to a particular kind of social environment  - the authors suggest that if a young woman does not conform to traditional ideals of respectability, she will lose standing within her community and be unable to tap into the social support available within these networks. 

Lindegaard and Henriksen reveal the consequences of young girls and women -not performing their sexuality in a “respectable” fashion. Girls who had had pre-martial sex or became pregnant out of wedlock were mostly seen as “bad girls’ or “slegs” (Afrikaans word for bad). These young women actions’ would be frowned on by older women in the community, thus making it more difficult or even impossible for these young women to access assistance, such as food and money, from other community members. 

The requisite of sexual austerity for these young women was directly linked with social safety. As such, Lindegaard and Henriksen demonstrate young Coloured women on the Cape Flats as having little to no control over their sexual welfare -- inevitably putting them at risk for HIV and teenage pregnancy. While these risk factors are mentioned, the authors clearly define safety in this context as social and being tied mainly to the capital linked to it. 

While Lindegaard and Henriksen’s argument does paint the picture of some of the experiences of Coloured girls and women in the Cape Flats, it does not represent the full range and depth of the experience of owning and celebrating femininities--especially when describing the realities of young women on the Cape Flats. Femininities are multiple, and the Cape Flats (an area that consists of a collection of suburbs of the Cape Town metro area), includes a heterogeneous group of women who exert their agency willfully. While Lindegaard and Henriksen’s analysis of Coloured femininity does discuss the history of Coloured identity and current issues of the Cape Flats -, this study, like many others about young women on the Cape Flats, fails to include the multidimensionality needed to understand femininities in the Cape Flats (2,3). Categories of “ordentlik” (respectable) and “sleg” (directly translated as ‘bad’ but here denotes sexual promiscuity) might hold currency in this context, but ultimately issues grounded in the reality and the agency of young women widen the narrow femininity described and present a more empowering image. 

Being a Woman in Hanover Park – Insights From Qualitative Research

Though I am from the United States (and have a funny American accent to most in Hanover Park), in South Africa I am Coloured, an identity that I accept readily both within and outside of Hanover Park. Discussing being a young woman in Hanover Park is personal for me as it paints a complicated picture. While I can often provide an outsider’s perspective, I cannot divorce myself from my research when in Hanover Park.

Being recognised as a Coloured woman has allowed me to see an even greater dimension of the Cape Flats. It also can blur the boundaries of my understanding, especially as I comb through my understanding of the actions of others but also myself. When I discuss being a Coloured young woman on the Cape Flats, I include a history and environment that I am not necessarily tethered to. However, when I enter and experience life within the Cape Flats, I become a part of this reality. Ultimately it is this phenomenon that has given me a considerable outlook of femininity on the Cape Flats. 

The violent reality described in the Introduction is the foundation underlying women’s experiences in Hanover Park. For young women, living in a tight-knit community plagued by violence produces considerable challenges to autonomy and safe sexual practice. Although the concept of respectability is certainly apparent in Hanover Park, this does not seem so different from all tight-knit communities. For most young women in Hanover Park, dreams of a beautiful wedding and great, supportive relationships exist but they are simultaneously confronted by the reality that many of these hopes may be limited or prevented by their living situation. While the concept of respectability might limit gossip from nosy neighbours or a young woman’s peers, gossip is not the greatest deterrent to women’s success; instead, it is the violence related to gang culture. 

My interviews during my first research period in 2016/ 2017 with young women explored typical ideas of respectability in local culture of Hanover Park. The “21 rule” (waiting until you are 21 to engage in sex or get married) was mentioned by several girls. Another recurring theme was limited or fractured female friendships. Many of the girls I spoke to explained that they did not have a lot of female friends because girls could be “spiteful” and were not to be trusted. Talks of “good girls'' and “bad girls” happened from time to time but ultimately, I did not find these terms useful as the boundary between “good” and “bad” was in reality very fluid. These discussions turned to describing good girls being those who stayed at home and did not party much, while bad girls were those in the streets talking to boys or going to clubs. Ultimately, even though sexuality was not expressed outright, there were many girls under 21 who had children, had sexual relationships, or regularly socialised with boys their age. 

The qualitative research I gathered in Hanover Park suggested that it is not community-endorsed respectability that controls women's behaviour, but rather, the physical environment surrounding them. With poverty, drug use, and violence rife, young women knew the potential consequences of certain attitudes and behaviours. Girls who hung around outside the home could run into perilous situations; at home, she would be safe from a shooting but could also avoid the potential additional consequences of hanging around gangs. This became evident during a Saturday night in Hanover Park: 

Joyce and I are walking through the streets. It’s almost midnight and we’re heading back to her house after spending most of the night with her boyfriend’s family. We pass by the main field in the center of one gang’s territory. She says in a light voice “we better hurry up before we get kidnapped”. I laugh and say, “yeah sure, kidnapped”. She glances at me and replies swiftly, “No seriously sometimes if you’re out too late at night guys will come and take you”. 

Thus, girls who stayed at home came to be seen as “better” than those who frequented the streets because they were also in a safer situation. Staying at home purely meant that the threat of violence (outside of the home) would be significantly reduced. While a certain aspect of respectability did permeate the local culture, the “21 rule”, or not dating or engaging with sex with multiple men, I again argue against the use of the argument of respectability. Ultimately, many girls had children before 21, remained in the home of their parents with their children, and still tapped into the security of their family network. 

‘N Goeie Meisie

From a male’s perspective, it seemed that women’s experiences were determined by living in a violent context where men were seen as dominant. During my research period I conducted several focus groups and in-depth interviews with men ages 18-30 who were from Hanover Park. These interviews were informative and helped provide an understanding of the fear that drives notions of respectability. 

My interviews with men in gangs also hinted at the likely consequences of women spending time with men alone. These men often talked about women who “belonged” to gangs or were allowed to hang around gang circles for transactional sex. Stories of girls not affiliated with gangs who were kidnapped or raped by gang members were also mentioned. These men presented a clear binary that existed for women: “good girls”, or those who stayed in the home and did not use drugs, were contrasted with “bad girls” (other names including “drive thru McDonalds” and “village bicycle”) hung around gangs and exchanged sex for drugs. As represented by neighbourhood talk, these seemed to be the only two roles available for women in the area. 

Though talk of good girls and “slegs” may permeate local cultures, women on the Cape Flats are agents who make decisions that blur these categories when applied in real life. Perhaps the standard of a truly good girl was out of reach for most because it represented a reality that many could not access. In my discussions with men about what makes a “good girl”, many spoke about girls’ involvement in church, those who stayed at home or came from upstanding families. These ideas were usually tied to socio-economic class, thus making it clear that the way many men understood femininity was based on ideas of class and social standing that they themselves had likely not experienced. 

Though socio-economic pressures exist in Hanover Park and violence can be a constant threat, many women break the mold assigned to them. Femininity exists in multiples because women are not highly constrained in the social realm. Many women in Hanover Park are able to support themselves or depend on social and financial support from their family. Because of this, young women could go out to clubs or talk with boys in the street. The sound of gunshots, sexual violence, and even drug addiction all threatened to disturb this reality. Though these perils were real, many women fought back against them in full force. 

Raising the Voice of the Cape Flats

Though young women in Hanover Park constantly have to negotiate safety within their environment, there also exist opportunities for movement within Hanover Park for which men may not have the same access. When they are outside of their homes, women, unlike men, do not have to consider the delineation of gang territories as much as the men do. Although the threat of violence exists, and many women may express reticence to explore other areas of the neighbourhood, they are still able to move around. 

The reason being is simply that only men are considered true gang members. Women can date gang members or offer transactional sex, but rarely if ever can a woman herself be a gang member. As such, women often operate without the same scrutiny, unless their affiliation to a gang is apparent and the possibility to question motives exists. In events of targeted violence, these targets are mostly men, and while women may be caught in the crossfire, overall they have greater flexibility in their mobility.

Though violence poses a real threat to women on the Cape Flats, that does not mean women are trapped in their homes. A clear example is highlighted by the scores of women who have walked the streets, coming out in droves to respond to many of the issues affecting life on the Cape Flats. Whether gender-based violence, gun violence, or police corruption, women have made their voices heard. They have also been on the front line in developing initiatives to respond to their call to action. Younger women are not excluded from this. I argue this not to draw attention away from the real issues affecting young women, but to counterpose an optimistic reality that offers an opportunity for transformation and frankly a fighting chance. 

Conclusion

Young Coloured women in the Cape Flats might not have the same access to power and advantage as some of the women with whom I interacted. It is with this point I solidify my departure from Lindegaard and Henriksen’s analysis. It is the threat of violence and pressing socio-economic realities that constricts young Coloured women’s safety. Women in the Cape Flats express a wide range of femininities while navigating these threats because they are their own agents and constantly negotiate their power. While their social environment can produce expectations or imaginations of a “good woman” vs. a “bad woman”, the social safety net persists. This help remains because though social reputation can be of import, women’s lives matter more for most families and communities of the Cape Flats. 

 

References

1. Lindegaard, Marie Rosenkrantz, and A. Henriksen. "Sexually active virgins: negotiating adolescent femininity, colour and safety in Cape Town." Transgressive sex: subversion and control in erotic encounters (2009): 25-45.

2. Sawyer-Kurian, Kyla M., Wendee M. Wechsberg, and Winnie K. Luseno. "Exploring the differences and similarities between black/African and coloured men regarding violence against women, substance abuse, and HIV risks in Cape Town, South Africa." Psychology of Men & Masculinity 10.1 (2009): 13.

3. Strebel, Anna, et al. "Social constructions of gender roles, gender-based violence and HIV/AIDS in two communities of the Western Cape, South Africa." SAHARA-J: Journal of Social Aspects of HIV/AIDS 3.3 (2006): 516-528.

Author Biography

Catherine Chantre is an MSc (Infectious Diseases) and also has a BA Study of Women, Gender, & Sexuality/ Biochemistry from Rice University. Her main research interests are HIV/TB control, gender & health, violence & health, and community-based research and she is looking to build on these interests by expanding into the area of implementation science and health systems research. 

Email: catherinechantre@gmail.com